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Sir Keir Starmer traveled to Wales' northern region on Thursday to declare the building of a fresh nuclear energy facility. This is a major policy announcement with implications at local and countrywide levels. Yet, the prime minister did not devote extensive time in Wales to promoting answers for the UK's power requirements. Instead, he used the time attempting to draw a line under the briefing controversy within Labour's leadership, informing reporters that No 10 had not undermined the health secretary’s ambitions in recent days.

As such, Sir Keir’s day served as a microcosm of what his prime ministership has evolved into more generally. On the one hand, he wants his government to be performing, and to be perceived as performing, significant actions. Conversely, he is incapable to achieve this because of the manner he – and, to an extent, the country as a whole – now practices politics and government.

The Prime Minister is unable to transform the culture of politics single-handedly, but he can take action about his own role in it. The simple truth is that he could manage the government's core much more effectively than he does. Should he achieve this, he might find that the nation was in less despair about his government than it currently is, and that he was communicating his points more successfully.

Personnel Problems in No 10

A number of the issues in Downing Street are about individuals. The personal dynamics of every Downing Street operation are hard to know accurately from the exterior. Yet it appears clear that Sir Keir does not make sound staffing decisions, or maintain them. Maybe he is overly occupied. Perhaps he is not really interested. But he needs to up his game, avoid slow progress or incompletely.

• He dithered about giving the crucial role of top civil servant to a senior official.
• He appointed a former official his top aide, then replaced her with Morgan McSweeney.
• He recruited Darren Jones in from the finance ministry as his chief secretary.
• His communications chiefs have been frequently replaced.
• Political and policy advisers have entered and exited.
• The situation is chaotic.

Structural Challenges at the Heart of the Administration

Every prime minister spend too much time overseas and on foreign affairs, where Sir Keir should delegate more, and too little conversing with MPs and hearing the citizens. Premiers also allocate too much time engaging with the press, which Sir Keir worsens by doing it poorly. Yet leaders cannot express surprise when their political appointees, who tend to be party loyalists or politically ambitious, overstep boundaries or become the focus, as Mr McSweeney now has.

The most significant problems, though, are systemic. It would be good to think that Sir Keir reviewed the Institute for Government’s March 2024 study on overhauling the centre of government. His failure to grip these issues in the summer or afterward suggests he did not. The frequently dismal performance of the Labour administration suggests IfG proposals like reorganizing the roles of the Cabinet Office and No 10, and dividing the positions of top official and head of the civil service, are currently critical.

The political pre-eminence of prime ministers far outdistances the support available to them. Consequently, all aspects suffer, and much is done badly or neglected.

This is not Sir Keir’s fault alone. He stands as the victim of past failures as well as the architect of present ones. But those who hoped Sir Keir would take control of the core and take the machinery of government seriously have been disappointed. Sadly, the biggest loser from this shortcoming is Sir Keir himself.